Policy Issues
> Israel-Lebanon Conflict July 2006
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I share the concerns of people
across the country about the escalating violence in
the Middle East and I very much welcomed the comments made by
Kim Howells MP, a Minister of State within the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office and the Rt Hon Jack Straw MP. Dr Howells
and Mr Straw have both stated that they feel the Israeli
response was not proportionate.
I have signed two Early Day
Motions in connection with the conflict. The full text of
these motions can be read below:
That this House expresses
grave concern about the escalating crisis in the Middle East
that has now spread to Lebanon; notes that Israel's
disproportionate military actions in Gaza and Lebanon,
including an air and sea blockade of Lebanon, attacks on the
airport in Beirut on 13th July and the killing of at least
35 Lebanese civilians within the first 24 hours, risk
provoking further regional conflict by seriously
jeopardising the fragile political landscape in Lebanon;
condemns Hizballah's rocket attacks on Israel and the
abduction of Israeli soldiers; urges the British Government
to call for an immediate cessation of violence from all
parties and to condemn the killing of all civilians on all
sides; and calls on all sides to respect the other's
sovereignty and international law and to release all
prisoners held illegally without trial as a means to end the
current crisis.
That this House expresses
grave concern about the escalating crisis in the Middle
East; condemns the kidnapping of Israeli soldiers which
triggered the current crisis both in Lebanon and Gaza;
respects Israel's legitimate right of self defence, but
calls on Israel to cease its disproportionate military
response which amounts to the collective punishment of
civilians, in clear breach of international law; calls on
both sides to end attacks on civilians and civilian
infrastructure, including rocket attacks on Israeli targets;
notes that a negotiated settlement is the only route to a
lasting peace in the Middle East; recognises that the EU,
with its significant economic influence in the region,
should play a stronger role in the international response to
this crisis; and urges the Quartet to show leadership by
taking the sustained and concerted action necessary to bring
the current crisis under control and to bring about the
conditions necessary for the resumption of negotiations.
Condoleeza Rice, the American
Secretary of State has now finally called for a peaceful
settlement in the region. In response to this announcement,
the Prime Minister’s Official Spokesman commented, “Of
course we want the violence to stop and stop immediately but
we recognise the only realistic way of achieving a ceasefire
is to address the underlying reasons why the violence has
broken out. That has been our approach ever since the
conflict broke out. All the way through we have wanted both
sides to stop.”
Nevertheless I remain concerned
about the way in which the Government has responded to this
situation and have written to the Foreign Secretary. I did
try to ask the Rt Hon Margaret Beckett MP a question in the
debate following her recent emergency statement. However
there were more than 35 Members who wished to speak during
the course of a ninety-minute debate. Unfortunately
therefore only a fraction of MPs who wished to express their
concerns were called.
I have also signed the statement
outlined below, which was published in The Guardian
on Wednesday 26th July:
As
Members of the United Kingdom Parliament we condemn both the
Hizbollah rocket attacks which have killed 17 civilians in
Israel, and the disproportionate Israeli military strikes
which in the last few weeks have killed over 370 civilians
and displaced over 500,000 in Lebanon, and killed over 100
in Gaza .
Israel, Lebanon and the Palestinian Authority all have the
right to defend their lawful territories and to protect
their peoples from attack.
Rocket attacks by militias on Israeli towns do not protect
the people of Palestine or Lebanon. Likewise the people of
Israel are not protected by military might which targets
homes, bridges and roads in Lebanon, cuts electricity and
water supplies to the majority of homes in Gaza, including
refugee camps, and which has done far more damage to
Lebanon’s democratically elected government than it has to
Hizbollah. Such actions are unacceptable, immoral and
illegal.
As a High Contracting Party to the 4th
Geneva Convention, the UK Government has a particular
responsibility to uphold and ensure universal respect for
international humanitarian law. We also call on the entire
international community to press for an immediate ceasefire
by all parties; to help secure the release of prisoners held
unlawfully whether by Israel, Hizbollah or by Palestinian
militias; and to take even handed steps to secure the
implementation all UN Security Council Resolutions
concerning the Middle East, including the realization of a
viable Palestinian state alongside an Israel secure in its
lawful borders.
I also wrote an article on the
issue, which was also published in The Guardian on 29th
July and I have included the full text below:
As I speak to my constituents
in Tooting and people elsewhere in London, of all faiths,
races and backgrounds, I hear views that are almost
identical: "This is worse than Iraq." It is not easy for
Muslims to watch, every night, TV pictures of the
destruction that Israel has wreaked in Lebanon. We find it
difficult to understand why our government has steadfastly
supported the US in giving a green light to Israel, allowing
the killing to continue.
I recently took part in a
televised appeal for donations to help victims of the
attacks. Callers found it difficult to understand why we
couldn't avert this man-made humanitarian crisis, and even
more difficult to argue against those who bundle Iraq and
Lebanon together to denounce British foreign policy in the
Middle East. It is also difficult to understand why Tony
Blair, who led the way on Africa last year, appears to have
lost his way on the Middle East. British foreign policy is
not anti-Muslim, but that is, increasingly, a challenging
argument to make.
In the past two weeks
Hizbullah has killed dozens of innocent civilians in Israel.
At the same time Israel has killed around 10 times as many
in Lebanon, and forced a fifth of its population to flee
their homes.
One principle separates a
sensible and humane response to terror from a policy that
simply feeds a cycle of violence. That principle is that
military attacks, whatever their justified purpose, should
never cause disproportionate harm to civilians. That is what
the Geneva conventions and international humanitarian law
are all about.
On Tuesday, the 14th day of
this dreadful conflict, I attended a meeting in the House of
Commons with a number of international lawyers. They had no
doubt that Israel's attacks, on such a huge scale, were a
clear violation of international law. The UN has said the
same. They also suggested that the UK's tacit support for
Israel's campaign raised painful questions about the
legality of Britain's own policy. And we have since learned
that Prestwick airport has been used as a stopover for
aircraft carrying bombs to Israel.
Since 9/11 British foreign
policy has failed to stand up against an increasing trend to
brutal, and usually ineffective, counterinsurgency around
the world. This is unfortunate because, as in Lebanon, the
UK could play a more useful role. Moreover, if it doesn't
then Labour could lose more supporters than it lost over the
government's decision to go to war in Iraq.
The Labour government in the
past has played a far more honourable role. It has seen that
Britain can gain from a safer world, not just from promoting
a narrow national self-interest. The prime minister in
particular has long argued that the international community
has a "responsibility to protect" people threatened by
genocide and war crimes around the world. Last year he
helped win the UN's agreement on this point. Labour said it
would never turn its back on "another Rwanda".
Lebanon is not "another
Rwanda" but Israel, like Hizbullah, is committing war crimes
in Lebanon. And what is Britain doing to protect the victims
of these war crimes? What happened to Britain's
responsibility to protect them?
The people being killed
happen to be mainly Muslims. But that is not the point. The
point is that war crimes should be condemned no matter who
commits them, or whom they are committed against, and
whether they are committed in the name of some evil racism
or a misplaced sense of what will defeat terrorism. If
British foreign policy cannot command greater respect among
its own citizens, what chance is there in the Middle East?
I will continue to do my utmost to lobby the
Government to undertake the necessary action alongside the
international community to establish an immediate ceasefire.
Correct as
of 1st September 2006
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